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The Launceston Conservative Speakers' Club
Genocide in Tasmania?
At the August Meeting
Mr Malcolm Nicholson, BA, GradDipLib, DipEd
Will give a Review of Keith Windschuttle's
The Fabrication of Aboriginal History
Wednesday, 27 August 2003, 7.30pm Max Fry Hall, Trevallyn
Genocide
in A Review of Keith Windschuttle’s The
Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Volume One,
Van Diemen’s Land
1803-1847 Edited transcript of an address given by Malcolm Nicholson at the Launceston Conservative
Speakers Club on August 27, 2003. (All page references are from The Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Volume One, 2002, unless
otherwise indicated.) IntroductionThe Fabrication
of Aboriginal History by Keith Windschuttle is probably the first book
to seriously challenge the assumption that the British colonists committed
genocide in Keith Windschuttle used to be a lecturer in
Australian History and Social Policy at the He changed his mind in 2000 when he was asked to
review a book Massacre Myth by Rod Moran, about a massacre of up to 100
Aborigines by the police at In December 2002 he published The Fabrication of
Aboriginal History, Volume One, about This review will concentrate on the two most important issues in his book, fabrication and genocide, and will summarize what he said. FabricationWindschuttle’s most serious charge is that many of the accounts of massacres and killings of Aborigines in history books are not reliable. There is no evidence for them. They appear to have been fabricated. Windschuttle did not make this distinction himself,
but I have classified his research into two categories. The first category
is the claims about massacres and atrocities by modern historians when
there is no contemporary evidence from the 19th Century that they ever
happened in the way that they have been described. It looks like the
historians have just made them up. The second category is the claims for
killings for which there is some historical evidence from the 19th
Century, but Windschuttle doubts the evidence is authentic or believes it
has been exaggerated. The modern historian, Windschuttle puts the boot into
the most, is Lyndall Ryan, author of The Aboriginal Tasmanians, which
could be described as the definitive politically correct history of the
Tasmanian Aborigines. In her book Ryan writes how massacres and killings
took place and she includes footnotes, which are supposed to provide the
sources, the historical evidence, such as diaries, reports and newspapers,
to support what she says happened. But Windschuttle looked up her sources
and found they did not say what she claimed they did. He said he found 17
cases where Ryan had invented killings and provided false footnotes and
another seven cases where she exaggerated the number of Aborigines killed
or captured. Ryan wrote that by 1808 over 100 Aborigines and 20
Europeans had been killed in conflicts over kangaroo hunting. Her source
for this claim is the diary of Reverend Robert Knopwood, the first
Anglican Chaplain in On the Sunday program on Channel Nine when Ryan was
challenged about why she wrote Knopwood said 100 Aborigines had been
killed, when he only said four, she replied, “Historians are always
making up figures.” (http://Sunday.ninemsn.au/sunday/cover_stories/transcript_1826.asp.) Ryan wrote that in 1826, 14 Aborigines were killed
and 10 captured near Sorell. The event she is referring to is apparently
the capture of Black Tom, an Aborigine who Windschuttle describes as
simply a black bushranger ( p 70). But none of the sources in her
footnotes for this event say anything about 10 Aborigines being killed
when Black Tom was captured ( p 135). Ryan wrote that in December 1827 there was a massacre
of Aborigines near Cressy. Again, none of her sources say anything about
this massacre ( p 139-142). In 1828 Lt. Governor Arthur formed seven roving
parties to search the bush and capture Aborigines. Ryan wrote that between
1828 and 1829 the roving parties had killed about 60 Aborigines and
captured 20. None of her sources say the roving parties killed 60
Aborigines. Windschuttle found that the roving parties only killed two
Aborigines between them and captured 19 ( p 153-158). Ryan wrote that in January 1829 settlers ambushed and
killed 10 Aborigines at Moultling Lagoon on the east coast. Again there is
nothing in the sources she cites about 10 Aborigines being killed at
Moultling Lagoon. Windschuttle suggested that in this case what Ryan wrote
was actually based on a massacre in December 1828 when soldiers killed 10
Aborigines at Lloyd Robson wrote the two volume, A History of
Tasmania, which is arguably the definitive history of the state. Robson
wrote that in 1830 a settler named James Hobbs said he had seen Aborigines
kill 300 sheep at Another case of a historian apparently inventing an
atrocity comes from Rhys Jones in the documentary, The Last Tasmanian.
This claimed that someone kicked an Aboriginal baby’s head off in front
of its mother. Windschuttle said that not only is there no evidence that
this ever happened but he suggested that it is physically impossible to
kick a baby’s head off. Rhys Jones appears to have just made it up (p
42). The second category is those accounts of massacres
and atrocities for which there is some evidence from the 19th Century, but
Windschuttle doubts the reliability of the evidence or believes it has
been exaggerated. It is widely believed that in 1804 at Risdon Cove,
the site of the first European settlement in Windschuttle does not deny there was a confrontation
and Aborigines were killed, however the earliest reports of what happened
gave a much lower number of Aborigines killed. Lt. Moore said two were
killed and several wounded ( p 17). In a report to Sydney Lt. Governor
Collins said three had been killed ( p 19). Even Lyndall Ryan only wrote that at least three were
killed at Risdon (Ryan, 1996, p 75). The claim that about 50 had been killed was first
made 26 years later in 1830 at a committee of inquiry into Aboriginal
violence. Captain James Kelly said 40 to 50 had been killed; however he
was only 12 years old at the time and was not at Risdon. The committee did
not regard him as a reliable witness (p 19,21). Another witness was Edward White, a former convict,
who was at Risdon, but he was too far away to see what happened. He said a
“great many” had been killed, but he did not know how many ( p 19,22). The claim that Lt. Moore had been drunk first
appeared in James Bonwick’s book, The Last of the Tasmanians, published
in 1870, over 60 years later. There is no mention of it before then.
Bonwick wrote that a settler of 1804 told him this, but no settlers, who
had been at Risdon in 1804, were still in Van Diemen’s Land in 1841 when
Bonwick arrived. There were no eyewitnesses, who could have told Bonwick
this, so Windschuttle suggests he just made it up ( p 25). Another famous massacre is said to have taken place
in 1828 at Cape Grim on the Woolnorth property when four convict
shepherds, working for the Van Diemen’s Land Company, shot 30 Aborigines
and threw their bodies over a cliff. The Then in 1966, Brian Plomley, who has written more
about the Tasmanian Aborigines than anyone else, published the book,
Friendly Mission; George Robinson’s diaries from 1828 to 1834,
describing his expeditions rounding up the last of the Aborigines before
taking them to Flinders Island. They recorded how in 1830 Robinson visited
Woolnorth and interviewed both the shepherds and some Aboriginal women who
said about 30 Aborigines had been shot 2 ½ years earlier. There had been two earlier confrontations between the
shepherds and the Aborigines which Windschuttle does not dispute. There
was a conflict over some Aboriginal women which the shepherds tried to
entice into their huts. One shepherd was speared and an Aboriginal was
shot. A few weeks later the Aborigines retaliated by driving a flock of
sheep into the sea and killing them. In the third incident, the Cape Grim
massacre, the shepherds are said to have retaliated by killing 30
Aborigines. On the surface, the massacre sounds credible with both sides
apparently corroborating each other. Windschuttle believes there was a third incident and
Aborigines were killed, but like Risdon, he believes the number of those
killed has been exaggerated. He believes six were killed at Cape Grim. He
based this on the reports of Edwin Curr, manager of the Van Diemen’s
Land Company. He wrote that about a week or two after they had killed the
flock of sheep, the Aborigines attacked the hut of the four convict
shepherds. There was a “long fight” and six Aborigines were shot.
Windschuttle tries to explain away the claim that 30 were killed by
claiming the convict witnesses were unreliable and could not be trusted,
and he accuses Robinson of putting words into the mouths of the Aboriginal
women ( p 261-4). Windschuttle suggesting that Robinson made it up or
exaggerated is not the same thing as when he shows that historians like
Ryan wrote about killings when there is no evidence for them. It is not as
convincing or conclusive. It is possible that more were killed at Risdon
or Cape Grim. You just cannot prove it. The real problem with Cape Grim Windschuttle argued
is that 30 Aborigines could not have been killed in the way it has been
described on logistical grounds. There were supposed to have been 30
Aborigines and four shepherds with single shot muskets which would have
taken between 30 seconds and a minute to reload. Assuming that the
convicts managed to reload as quickly as possible, about 30 seconds, then
shoot, hit and not miss, kill and not just wound an Aborigine with every
shot, then it would have taken a minimum of seven to eight minutes to kill
30 of them. Which begs the question – after the first four had been
shot, why didn’t the surviving 26 either run away or rush them while
they were reloading? Are we supposed to believe they simply stood there
for seven to eight minutes waiting to be shot? It does not sound
believable. ( p 260-1) Windschuttle does not like Robinson. He accuses him
of inventing or exaggerating atrocities to justify his plan to separate
the Aborigines and take them to Flinders Island to protect them from
violence by Europeans (p 44-8, 216-221, 270). There are other reports of killings in Robinson’s
diaries which Windschuttle thinks are doubtful. He does not believe
Robinson invented all of them. Rather, he unquestioningly wrote down
rumours and tall stories that he had been told by others. Robinson was told how a stock-keeper called Paddy Heagon shot 19 Aborigines with a swivel gun loaded with nails. Ryan mentions this in her book. First of all, Windschuttle could not find any evidence that this person Paddy Heagon ever existed. Also, a swivel gun is a small naval cannon which is usually mounted on the bow or stern of a boat. So, even if Paddy Heagon did exist, or they got the name wrong, what was a convict doing with a cannon in the Tasmanian bush ? It was not as though the colonial authorities gave convicts their own artillery pieces. It is simply not believable and it sounds like something someone just made up. (p 271-3) Lyndall Ryan has written
that even if half the stories about Aboriginal killings recorded in
Robinson’s diaries are true, then 700 Aborigines were shot. She is
apparently suggesting that Robinson’s diaries said 1400 Aborigines were
shot by Europeans. Windschuttle went through Robinson’s diaries
and found that he mentioned 53 incidents in which Aborigines were killed.
He calculated that a total of 188 Aborigines were killed in these
incidents, not 1400 (p 234-5). He concluded that 50 of these 188 killings
were plausible. The rest were either made up or could not be proved.
Windschuttle gives an example of how Robinson was told how an Aboriginal
woman was kept by a stock-keeper for a month, then shot. There are no
details about who was involved, when and where it was supposed to have
happened, so Windschuttle argued that it was not a plausible record of a
killing ( p 286,289). Of course it is quite possible that this did happen.
There is just not enough evidence to prove it. So perhaps, more than these
50 killings described by Robinson, which Windschuttle thinks are
plausible, really did happen, but there is not enough evidence to be sure. GenocideThe second main argument in Windschuttle’s book is the question of genocide. Did the British colonists intend to exterminate the Aborigines? How many did they kill? And if they did not kill enough to exterminate them, what caused the extinction of the full-blooded Tasmanian Aborigines? Regardless of what politically correct historians
might say today, Windschuttle argued that it was not British colonial
policy to exterminate indigenous people. He said that according to
international law at the time there were three ways a European power could
establish a colony. Firstly, they could buy or lease land from the
indigenous inhabitants. Secondly, they could persuade them to submit to
European law. Finally, they could declare possession, that they now
owned the land by right of first discovery and occupation. When the British came to the Australian mainland and
Tasmania, they could not identify any political authority among the
Aborigines to negotiate with. Because the Aborigines did not develop the
land, build on it or cultivate it, the British believed they did not own
it, so they had the right to claim it. This is not a very politically
correct idea any more, but it was considered legal and proper at the time
( p 184-5). The reason why the British made a treaty with the
Maoris next door in New Zealand was because the Maoris had houses.
Therefore, they owned the land and should be negotiated with. But once the British did declare their sovereignty
over the land that they now owned it, and then everybody in it, both
Aboriginal and European, was subject to British law and protected by it.
Windschuttle quotes from the orders given to David Collins by the Colonial
Office. They did not order him to invade Van Diemen’s Land, exterminate
the Aborigines and take their land. Instead, he was ordered to build good
relations with the Aborigines and to punish any crimes committed against
them. Windschuttle also quotes from the proclamations of Collins, his
successors, Davey, Sorell and Arthur, all saying that the Aborigines were
protected by the law and crimes against them were to be punished. It
hardly sounds like a pack of racists out to commit genocide. (p 188-190) Historians like Lyndall Ryan claim these statements
of equal protection were hypocritical and no European was ever charged or
punished for assaulting or killing an Aborigine. This is not true.
Windschuttle mentions a case of a convict charged with manslaughter of an
Aborigine and another convict charged with “indescribable brutality”
to Aboriginal women. He suggests there could be more cases, bit no one has
done the research yet (p 199-1). But in spite of these good intentions on paper, by
1833, 30 years after the first settlement there were only 330 Aborigines
left. What happened to the rest? The first step in working out what happened to the
Tasmanian Aborigines, what caused their population decline, is to work out
how many there were in the first place before the arrival of the Europeans
in 1803. Both Lloyd Robson and Lyndall Ryan have estimated there were
between 3000 to 4000. Brian Plomley said there were 4000 to 6000 (p 364).
However, these estimates present a problem for those who believe the
Europeans exterminated the Aborigines because there is no evidence they
killed anywhere near that number, i.e. In The Aboriginal/Settler Clash
in Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1831, Brian Plomley said there were 5000
Aborigines in1803. Seven years later, by 1810, it had dropped to 4000. By
1820, it had dropped to 2000 (Plomley, p 29). So, according to Plomley,
3000 Aborigines had died by 1820. But in the same book, Plomley, lists the
clashes with Aborigines and by 1820 only 10 were listed as being killed (Plomley,
p 54-58). This does not include those killed by sealers or the Van
Diemen’s Land Company. Either these 3000 Aborigines died some other way,
such as from disease, or historians like Plomley have overestimated the
Aboriginal population and there never were 5000 in the first place. Windschuttle, on the other hand, believes there were
probably less than 2000 Aborigines in 1803 (p 371). When he worked out how
many were killed, he started by adding up the number of Aborigines killed
in Plomley’s The Aboriginal/Settler Clash. This came to 109 deaths
between 1803 and 1831, which averages at four killings a year.
Windschuttle commented, “ Some critics of Windschuttle have argued that there
were more than 118 Aborigines killed because convicts and settlers killed
them out in the bush and never reported it. I agree there probably were
some unrecorded killings. 118 should be treated as a minimum number of
Aborigines killed. Lyndall Ryan has claimed there were over 400 unrecorded
killings in the 1820s (Ryan, 1996, p 174). But if more killings were
unrecorded, so there is no evidence for them, then how does she know they
happened? The seven roving parties only managed to kill two Aborigines
between them, which suggests that Europeans were really not that good at
finding Aborigines in the bush and killing them. So, I doubt there could
have been very many unrecorded killings which we do not know about. Of course, if settlers and convicts were killing
Aborigines out in the bush and keeping quiet about it, that suggests they
must have known their actions were illegal and they would have been
punished if they had been found out. So, there could not have been a
policy of genocide (p 358-361). What happened to the rest of the Aborigines if the
British did not kill them? Windschuttle believes there are two
explanations; disease and the removal of Aboriginal women. Like in other parts of the world, when the Europeans
arrived, they brought with diseases for which the indigenous people had no
immunity. The Tasmanian Aborigines were especially vulnerable to
respiratory diseases, colds, influenza and pneumonia (p 373). He suggests
that Bass Strait sealers first introduced these diseases to Tasmania,
starting in 1798, and Aborigines were already dying from them before
European settlement in 1803 (p 375). George Robinson rounded up the Aborigines supposedly
to protect them from violence by the Europeans, but those Aborigines in
his care were dying from European diseases at an alarming rate. His first
mission to the Aborigines was on Bruny Island and 22 out of the 40
Aborigines died from disease there in just one year. There were 350
Aborigines left in 1831 that had been rounded up. This had dropped by one
third in two years to 220 in 1831, then down to 123 in 1835. The
population had dropped by two thirds in just four years and down to 46 in
1847. They were not being deliberately exterminated. They were dying from
disease. And short of then all going back to England, there was really
nothing the British could do about it. Windschuttle believes the other cause of the
population decline was the removal of Aboriginal women from the tribes.
Many of them were abducted by Bass Strait sealers. For every Aboriginal
woman, that was taken out of Aboriginal society, that was one less woman
to reproduce and keep the race going (p 386-7). It also appears that convicts and whalers spread
venereal diseases among Aboriginal women, including Trugannini, and
rendered them sterile, resulting in even fewer Aboriginal women capable of
bearing children ( p 375-6). In 1793 French explorers visited southern Tasmania.
They found an Aboriginal tribe which consisted of 42 people. 15 were
adults and 27 were children, meaning about two thirds of the tribe were
children. In contrast, in 1835 there were 123 Aborigines on Flinders
Island. Only 14 were children. If the ratio of children to adults had been
the same as 40 years earlier, there should have been over 200 children.
Whether it was caused by fewer women or diseases killing young children or
the social upheaval brought about by the arrival of the Europeans, there
were clearly much fewer Aboriginal children being born and growing up. Any
society, which can no longer reproduce itself, is going to die out. So, while the British did not deliberately
exterminate the Aborigines, it is safe to say that by introducing diseases
and removing a lot of the woman, British settlement caused the population
decline. If they had not come here, the full-blooded Aborigines would not
have become extinct when they did. Conclusion – History and PostmodernismI want to conclude by looking at the motives of
historians like Lyndall Ryan and why they write things which are
apparently not true. One critic of Windschuttle, Alan Atkinson, accused
him of wanting to “take the discipline back to some golden age, when it
was all about facts.” (Australian Book Review, February 2003, p 4 ).
This sounds bizarre. We assume history books describe facts and are based
on facts. If history is not supposed to be about facts and not based on
facts, then what are you supposed to base it on? Windschuttle quotes Henry Reynolds as saying his
books are not supposed to be objective or detached, but are deliberately
biased, so that they promote what he sees as in the interests of the
Aborigines (p 6, 400-402). I think postmodernism goes a long way to explaining
Lyndall Ryan’s writing. She invents or exaggerates killings to justify
land rights for Tasmanian Aborigines today as compensation for how they
suffered in the past. If they are given a choice between a low number of
Aborigines killed and a high number, politically correct people will
usually pick the higher number, not necessarily because of the better
quality of the evidence, but because it makes the case for land rights and
compensation higher. Windschuttle has said that he does not have a problem
with writing a history of the Aborigines and how thew arrival of the
Europeans affected them, or the history of any other minority group, as
long as they base what they write on what the evidence says happened, not
on what their political agenda would like to believe happened. Postmodernists try to justify their bias and creative
writing to make up for the way Aborigines or other minorities have been
mistreated in the past. However, if they do not believe there are facts
and it is impossible to know what really happened, then how can they know
the minority group was mistreated or oppressed in the first place?
Whatever our political agendas, what we believe about history has to be
based on the evidence, not on what we would like to believe happened. |
©-free 2003 Adelaide Institute