

Joe Sobran
The Reactionary Utopian
Free Speech in the Nominal Democracy
April 20, 2006
“Freedom of speech is the right to be wrong, basically. Sometimes I’m wrong.”
These words were reportedly spoken by the historian David Irving in an interview from his Austrian prison, where he is doing time — years of his life — for “Holocaust denial.” Austria and a few other Western democracies still maintain the position that some opinions are crimes.
So,
in its way, does democratic Afghanistan, where a few weeks ago a man narrowly
escaped a death sentence for converting to Christianity. He was spared only
because of Western pressure, notably from President Bush. There has been no such
pressure for Irving, whose prosecutor thinks he was dealt with too leniently.
The idea (if you can
dignify it with that word) behind the law under which Irving was convicted is
that some opinions can “incite hate.” And Irving’s opinions certainly do
that, in a way. So the people who hate him have, naturally, stripped him of his
freedom. But what kind of fanatic says, “Sometimes I’m wrong”?
Welcome to the
twenty-first century. It’s not so different from many other centuries, really
— centuries we pride ourselves on being different from.
If you want to make
enemies, speak your mind on a controversial topic. Works like a charm. You’ll
soon hear from people who will let you know they would, if they could, give you
the same treatment Irving got. They may be incapable of coining a fresh phrase,
a witty epigram, or an original thought of their own; they may prefer insults
and obscenities, which are often the limit of their eloquence, or they may just
be mighty indignant that you would say whatever you said.
A man uses the best
arguments he can think of, and some men can’t think of a better argument than
a curse or a threat. This is their perverse way of agreeing with you when they
can’t bear to admit they do. They might as well come right out and announce
they can hope to prevail only by shutting you up with brute force, not by
superior reason. They are ceding reason to their opponents.
In
a brilliant twist on Voltaire’s famous (though apocryphal) words, the
playwright Tom Stoppard has one of his characters declare, “I agree with every
word you say, but I will fight to the death against your right to say it.”
Stoppard perfectly
catches the root of the urge to censor opinion. His formulation is hilarious
because if a would-be censor could express himself so well, he’d have no need,
or urge, to censor. He’d be content to oppose words with better words.
Censorship is a confession of failure.
In other words,
Stoppard endows his would-be censor with all the qualities such people tend to
lack: candor, humor, self-confidence, and self-respect. We expect them to be
sneaking prigs.
“Most men quarrel
because they do not know how to argue,” wrote Chesterton, who loved to argue
and hated to quarrel. He debated Bernard Shaw on the two subjects most men
quarrel about — religion and politics — and the chief result of their sharp
disagreements was a warm friendship that ended only when Chesterton died.
Rarely is the world
overrun with men like Chesterton and Shaw, whose numbers seem to have thinned as
democracy, we’re told, has spread. But then, most so-called democracies are
really overgrown bureaucratic states, as Robert Frost suggested when he sneered
at “the bureaucratic regimenting love / With which the modern world is being
swept.” And that bureaucratic regimenting “love” is quick to detect
“hate” and even “hate crimes” in any independent thought. In Orwell’s
nightmare state, the most feared agency of all is the Ministry of Love.
With that sort of
love in the air, I wouldn’t predict a great future for free speech in the
nominal democracies. Not that there will be a formal announcement when it’s
abolished; the process will be gradual, attended as always by reassuring
expressions like voluntary compliance until everyone is voluntarily
complying.
Oh, now and then
there may be a cranky holdout such as Irving who won’t comply voluntarily, but
the free press, following the voluntary guidelines, won’t draw much attention
to him. If you yearn to be back in the twentieth century, just remember the
great progressive adage: “You can’t turn back the clock.” Especially when
people in high places are always turning it ahead.
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©-free 2006 Adelaide Institute