I was speaking recently with a historian at one of our intelligence
agencies. I asked if there was a period of time we could discuss
openly and he said he would talk about anything that happened up to
the Second World War.
Since I was born in 1944, he was saying, in effect, that if we
discussed anything that had happened in my lifetime, we would have
radically different points of reference. His would include numerous
details that I could never know. We might share a significant number
of "facts" but we would contextualize them differently; we would index
them, as it were, according to different heuristics. So we would know
some of the same things but we would build the Bigger Picture in
radically different ways.
We would not, therefore, know the same "thing" at all. We would think,
believe, and act according to different images of reality, using an
index to arrange events in a seemingly shared historical matrix to
produce different results.
Several generations have lived, now, since the beginning of the Cold
War and the national security state to which it gave birth. We inhabit
different histories according to our need to know compartmented facts,
but that need is determined by others according to parameters that we
also don't know. Those who matured in this world, like fish in muddy
waters, have never known real clarity, reality that wasn't mediated by
simulations, or the fuller truth.
This fragmented space which undermines meaningful civil discourse was
conceived as a means to counter an enemy but expanding it for several
generations has turned much of the civilian population into enemies
too. Investigative journalists and terror suspects are pretty
difficult to distinguish these days. The devouring monster of
excessive secrecy swallows us all. Millions of secrets mean billions
of different possible myths depending on how facts, guesses, and
conjectures are linked into patterns. "Conspiracy theorists" are
inevitable when ignorance darkens our efforts to connect the dots and
the dots keep moving.
Daniel Moynihan wrote in 1998 of the deleterious effects of secrecy,
but he was ignored. People with power know they mostly just have to
wait it out or create distractions to take our short attention spans
in other directions. Anyway, it was too late to unravel the tapestry;
there is not just one Penelope, there are many, there are Penelope
clones everywhere, and even if they all worked together, the tapestry
is too vast to unravel. Too many people have a stake in keeping it
together.
The men and women who set the national security state in motion mostly
meant well but they set in motion a machine that relieves us of the
burden of freedom by keeping from us the truths that would enable us
to use our freedom. These men and women are self-appointed and
unelected. The current scandal about circumventing FISA is the tip of
the iceberg, an inevitable consequence of the world we built, and only
time will tell if global warming will melt more polar ice and reveal
more shipwrecks in the water.
But it's deeper than that. Here's an example.
When I was twenty years old, I was invited to take an honors seminar
in writing at Northwestern University taught by Stephen Spender, an
English poet and editor of Encounter, a magazine those of us inclined
in a literary way all knew and read. It was a premiere journal of
culture, the arts and politics.
Spender was a little dreamy, off-hand in how he ran that seminar. We
read our stories aloud and listened to critiques. But we perked up
when Spender spoke of politics, why it looked to intellectuals like
himself in the thirties as if the world must choose between fascism
and communism while the democracies were mired in depression, lacking
will and resolve, spinning their wheels. He spoke from a left of
center point of view and we listened; we had been imprinted, after
all, by McCarthy, the Hollywood blacklist, and the House Un-American
Activities Committee which held raucous hearings downtown.
What Spender never mentioned was that Encounter was a CIA operation
from beginning to end. He would later claim he did not know, that he
was a dupe of the right as he had been a quasi-dupe of the left a
couple of decades earlier. In fact, the only ones who did not know
were people who did not want to know that the CIA had appointed itself
a Ministry of Culture to combat Communist ideology. The agency was
directly responsible for publishing houses, thousands of books,
periodicals in countries all over the world, the emergence of selected
composers and the success of abstract expressionists like Jackson
Pollock. All those people and their products were ironically used as
examples of the kinds of literature and art that a free society
creates. Those not with the program like Steinbeck, writing of
depression America and with sympathy for the poor, had to work a
little harder. Doors did not open easily for them, and the covert cash
flow did not carry them along like corks bobbing in a flood. (For a
fascinating, fuller treatment of the subject, see The Cultural Cold
War by Frances Stonor Saunders (The New Press: New York 1999).
Young impressionable people like me thought that literature and art
were about telling the deepest, most complete truth we could. That was
the theory we were taught, but in practice, we were deceived. The
creative world in which we lived was influenced always and fabricated
often by a covert political agenda funded secretly and administered by
a few.
Apologists claim that these artists, some of them anyway, would have
done the same work, so what was the harm? This essay is too short to
illuminate all of the ways a contrived space compromises artists just
as in the Soviet Union there were orthodoxies that constrained
creativity. I will trust the reader to see why it is a problem to
determine on a societal scale what literature and art is rewarded or
punished.
Those who determine the paradigm of our thinking determine the
questions that can be asked and then they do not have to worry about
the answers.
Fronts, "proprietaries" and "think tanks" mask how money is laundered
to hide a concealed design. In the fifties, the Geschickter Foundation
funded covert medical research that included the use of chemicals and
drugs to influence brain function, memory and behavior. A wing of
Georgetown University Hospital was built and staffed with three CIA
researchers as a "hospital safe house" (half the cost came from public
funds because CIA involvement was not known.) Similarly, foundations
like the Farfield Foundation, a "wholly owned" CIA proprietary, used
channels like the Ford Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation to
fund the cultural life of the United States and much of the rest of
the world through books, broadcast media, newspapers and periodicals
which like Encounter were not known agents of government propaganda.
Current alliances among universities, corporations, and clandestine
sources of funding continue to obscure the links between sources and
research. Mass media outlets from internet sites to publishing houses
continue to be conduits of covert action. But when this activity is
focused on ourselves ... what is being protected? And how is the enemy
defined?
We can't know what we don't know. But when we forget that we invented
a culture of secrecy on this scale, then live in it as if it is
"real," the sane will sound mad and the common-sense consensus
believed by most will be in fact a tale told by an idiot but
signifying, unfortunately, something.
As Nietzsche said, those who are seen dancing are thought to be insane
by those who cannot hear the music.
The point I want to make is that my generation and the ones after it
were unaware of the depth and extent of this designer society ... yet
still, after all these years, those who note its current
manifestations are ignored, discredited, or ridiculed.
It is not a "conspiracy theory" to say what is obviously so; it is
putting a name to the betrayal of our nation and its ideals by
creating a culture of secrecy and covert action that has become the
norm, wanting only enemies to name from time to time to justify
itself.
But there is another, greater betrayal-the quiet betrayal of the
freedom intrinsic to our humanity through our passive acceptance of
this state of affairs. When we didn't know, inactivity was excusable.
But once we know, we betray ourselves by refusing to demand
transparency and accountability in our affairs.
If the walls of secrecy collapsed, we like East Berliners who were
suddenly free to wander into the west, would also move as in a dream,
wondering with amazement at bright windows brimming with facts and
truths. We would be uncertain at first how we had lived for so long
without knowing what was real. But then, I am afraid ... then, like
concentration camp inmates who came out after liberation, walked in
circles for a while, then went back in ... we would return to the
comfort and "security" of the only world we know.
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Islands in the Clickstream is an intermittent column written by
Richard Thieme exploring social and cultural dimensions of technology
and the ultimate concerns of our lives. Comments welcome.
Richard Thieme is an author and professional speaker focused on the
deeper implications of technology, religion, and science. A collection
of his work, Islands in the Clickstream, was published by Syngress
Publishing in 2004.
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