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U.S. Diplomat John Brady
Kiesling
Letter of Resignation
To: Secretary of
State Colin L. Powell
Athens, Thursday 27 February 2003
Dear Mr. Secretary:
I am writing you to submit my resignation from the Foreign Service of the United
States and from my position as Political Counselor in U.S. Embassy Athens,
effective March 7. I do so with a heavy heart. The baggage of my upbringing
included a felt obligation to give something back to my country. Service as a
U.S. diplomat was a dream job. I was paid to understand foreign languages and
cultures, to seek out diplomats, politicians, scholars and journalists, and to
persuade them that U.S. interests and theirs fundamentally coincided. My faith
in my country and its values was the most powerful weapon in my diplomatic
arsenal.
It is inevitable that during twenty years with the State Department I would
become more sophisticated and cynical about the narrow and selfish bureaucratic
motives that sometimes shaped our policies. Human nature is what it is, and I
was rewarded and promoted for understanding human nature. But until this
Administration it had been possible to believe that by upholding the policies of
my president I was also upholding the interests of the American people and the
world. I believe it no longer.
The policies we are now asked to advance are incompatible not only with American
values but also with American interests. Our fervent pursuit of war with Iraq is
driving us to squander the international legitimacy that has been America’s
most potent weapon of both offense and defense since the days of Woodrow Wilson.
We have begun to dismantle the largest and most effective web of international
relationships the world has ever known. Our current course will bring
instability and danger, not security.
The sacrifice of global interests to domestic politics and to bureaucratic
self-interest is nothing new, and it is certainly not a uniquely American
problem. Still, we have not seen such systematic distortion of intelligence,
such systematic manipulation of American opinion, since the war in Vietnam. The
September 11 tragedy left us stronger than before, rallying around us a vast
international coalition to cooperate for the first time in a systematic way
against the threat of terrorism. But rather than take credit for those successes
and build on them, this Administration has chosen to make terrorism a domestic
political tool, enlisting a scattered and largely defeated Al Qaeda as its
bureaucratic ally. We spread disproportionate terror and confusion in the public
mind, arbitrarily linking the unrelated problems of terrorism and Iraq. The
result, and perhaps the motive, is to justify a vast misallocation of shrinking
public wealth to the military and to weaken the safeguards that protect American
citizens from the heavy hand of government. September 11 did not do as much
damage to the fabric of American society as we seem determined to so to
ourselves. Is the Russia of the late Romanovs really our model, a selfish,
superstitious empire thrashing toward self-destruction in the name of a doomed
status quo?
We should ask ourselves why we have failed to persuade more of the world that a
war with Iraq is necessary. We have over the past two years done too much to
assert to our world partners that narrow and mercenary U.S. interests override
the cherished values of our partners. Even where our aims were not in question,
our consistency is at issue. The model of Afghanistan is little comfort to
allies wondering on what basis we plan to rebuild the Middle East, and in whose
image and interests. Have we indeed become blind, as Russia is blind in
Chechnya, as Israel is blind in the Occupied Territories, to our own advice,
that overwhelming military power is not the answer to terrorism? After the
shambles of post-war Iraq joins the shambles in Grozny and Ramallah, it will be
a brave foreigner who forms ranks with Micronesia to follow where we lead.
We have a coalition still, a good one. The loyalty of many of our friends is
impressive, a tribute to American moral capital built up over a century. But our
closest allies are persuaded less that war is justified than that it would be
perilous to allow the U.S. to drift into complete solipsism. Loyalty should be
reciprocal. Why does our President condone the swaggering and contemptuous
approach to our friends and allies this Administration is fostering, including
among its most senior officials. Has “oderint dum metuant” really become our
motto?
I urge you to listen to America’s friends around the world. Even here in
Greece, purported hotbed of European anti-Americanism, we have more and closer
friends than the American newspaper reader can possibly imagine. Even when they
complain about American arrogance, Greeks know that the world is a difficult and
dangerous place, and they want a strong international system, with the U.S. and
EU in close partnership. When our friends are afraid of us rather than for us,
it is time to worry. And now they are afraid. Who will tell them convincingly
that the United States is as it was, a beacon of liberty, security, and justice
for the planet?
Mr. Secretary, I have enormous respect for your character and ability. You have
preserved more international credibility for us than our policy deserves, and
salvaged something positive from the excesses of an ideological and self-serving
Administration. But your loyalty to the President goes too far. We are straining
beyond its limits an international system we built with such toil and treasure,
a web of laws, treaties, organizations, and shared values that sets limits on
our foes far more effectively than it ever constrained America’s ability to
defend its interests.
I am resigning because I have tried and failed to reconcile my conscience with
my ability to represent the current U.S. Administration. I have confidence that
our democratic process is ultimately self-correcting, and hope that in a small
way I can contribute from outside to shaping policies that better serve the
security and prosperity of the American people and the world we share.
John Brady Kiesling
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